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Greener Journal of Environment Management and Public Safety
ISSN: 2354-2276
Vol. 13(1), pp. 227-236, 2025
Copyright ©2025, Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International.
https://gjournals.org/GJEMPS
DOI: https://doi.org/10.15580/gjemps.2025.1.111225172
1Department of Forestry and Wildlife, University of Uyo, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria.
2Department of Agricultural Extension and Rural Development, University of Uyo, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria.
Type: Research
Full Text: PDF, PHP, EPUB, MP3
DOI: 10.15580/gjemps.2025.1.111225172
Accepted: 13/11/2025
Published: 31/12/2025
Daniel, K
E-mail: kokodaniel@uniuyo.edu.ng
Keywords: Sacred grove, Socioecological, Akai Afai, Community, Conservation
Natural resources, particularly forest areas, are given special cultural significance and value and they have an integral function in communal life (Ameneshewa et al., 2023). This is because forests play key roles in environmental management – carbon sequestration and storage, water cycle, soil conservation, habitat protection, biodiversity preservation, livelihood support, climate-change adaptation and mitigation (Millennium Ecosystem Assessment Board, 2005; IPBES, 2019). With the growing concern about the ability of the earth to sustain the numerous biodiversity that nature provided to support human life (Nellemann and Corcoran, 2010), the sustainable management of forests is therefore crucial for a sustainable environment, climate change mitigation, agriculture and food security.
One of the several strategies adopted by global communities in confronting its biggest dilemmas: the climate change, mitigating greenhouse gases (GHG) and sequestrating already generated carbon from the atmosphere is through forest protection and reforestation (Pulhin et al., 2017; Sarmiento and Garcia, 2021) which is the hallmark of sustainable forest management. In Nigeria, general and specific approaches have been made to programmes and actions aimed at achieving sustainable forest development in the country FMANR (1988); World Bank (1991, 1997); Umeh (1992); Adeyoju (1994; 1995); Adedoyin (1994); Lowe (1994); and FORMECU (1996a, 1996b). Prominent among these are the reservation policy, establishment of industrial plantations, land use and vegetation survey, perspective plan for forestry development, tropical forests action plan (TFAP), forest resources study (FRS), and national forestry action plan (NFAP). All these plans and policies seem to disregard the traditional indigenous technology like sacred forests and groves, practiced and used by the people to conserve forest resources. Similar scenario has also been reported in Asia (Chandrakanth et al., 2004).
While the government and some international organizations encourage the use of western environmental conservation models, as long as they are applicable and helpful to the rescuing a situation, there is need to complement the western conservation models with the ‘local’ models enshrined in indigenous knowledge systems (IKS) that had been tested, used and applied over years. Indigenous people across Africa from time immemorial have set apart portions of their natural forests and they jealously protect them using various indigenous and cultural methods through certain traditional means, religious and cultural beliefs and taboos (Ameneshewa et al., 2023; Daniel and Inyang, 2019; Martín et al., 2011; Telly, 2005; Khumbongmayum et al., 2004, and Mgumia and Oba, 2003). Sacred forests and groves are recognized by indigenous and traditional peoples as forest fragment of particular cultural, historical, spiritual and religious significance, or as sites established by institutionalized religions and faiths as places for worship and remembrance (Metcalfe et al., 2010; Daniel et al., 2016a, UNESCO, 1998). They are wooded areas, worshiped and/or feared, dedicated to the cultural expression of a fixed community (Agbo and Sokpon, 1997). Regardless of the size and management approach, all the plants and animals inhabiting the space are considered to be companions of the god or ‘sacred living things’ in the god’s garden (Udo, 1993; Telly, 2005; Daniel et al., 2015). These traditional conservation schemes are probably the oldest method of habitat protection on the planet and have been acknowledged as a home for species that have high subsistence and/or economic value to the community and also contribute more practically to livelihoods by supplying resources (Soury, 2007; Udoakpan et al., 2013; Udeagha et al 2013; Onyekwelu and Olusola 2014; Daniel, 2016b). The survival of these groves depends entirely on the control of the community over the forest and the people.
In Asia, many indigenous peoples struggle to retain their community identities in a rapidly changing world, thus, sacred natural sites are likely to increase rather than decrease in value (Ylhaisi, 2006). But unfortunately, in Nigeria, there are increasing threats to the survival of these conservation practices (Daniel, 2010; Udoakpan et al., 2013; Onyekwelu and Olusola, 2014; Daniel et al., 2016b). This is because the forests are being taken away from them or they are not integrated into their management structure. The more people have the chance to become involved in managing their forests, the greater their sense of ownership (Ameneshewa et al., 2023). Excluding traditional conservation strategies in contemporary conservation models, as warned by Mawere (2013) and Surtikanti et al., (2019), amounted to leaving out important knowledge that might help ease the contemporary environmental crisis the world is experiencing.
Studies have also linked pressure exerted on natural resources with the local population’s standard of living and the satisfaction of daily needs, the increasing demand for land, and the accessibility to good land (Mink, 1993; Grepperud, 1996; Scherr, 2000; Geist and Lambin, 2001). It has been asserted by Rose (2000) that the failure of conservation in great ape range countries is due primarily to human crises: poverty, illness, war, commercial greed, political corruption, and lawlessness. Conservation effort would be adjudged unsuccessful when targeted resources continue to be exploited without recourse to the measures aimed at halting its diminution. When poor people are economically marginalised, they resort to their immediate forest and natural environment, placing pressure on the available natural resources and over-exploiting them. In agreement with the issue of poverty, Narayan et al. (2000) opined that the poor lives at the whim and mercy of nature and Nellemann and Corcoran (2010) report shows that depletion of resources is associated with social inequality and the ability to attain one’s goal is deeply connected to social status. Unemployed and poorer parents with large family size would not feel comfortable having a natural resource stock around them but restricted from access when they would have exploited to meet their family demands (Daniel and Inyang, 2019, Ushie, 2005).
Today, just as the government gazetted forests are destroyed without fear of contempt to available legislation, most of the sacred forests are destroyed by agents of modernisation and urbanisation. The few remaining fragments are under threat of religious indoctrination and cultural adulteration. Akai Afai sacred forest in Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria, for instance, was well stocked with indigenous tree species of various diameter at breast height (DBH) classes and families and the spiritual value attached to this tropical forest grove, gave restrictions of access and collection of flora and fauna products, giving it a natural or near natural ecosystems and biotopes devoid of alteration (Daniel et al., 2015) and thus, a high potential for climate mitigation due to its high capacity to absorb Co2 from the atmosphere (Pulhin et al., (2017). The sacred forest was understudied along with others between 2008 and 2010 (Daniel, 2010), but recent survey shows the site in undergoing degradation. This forest parchment is fast disappearing, and the cultural values that held the sites intact seem no more cherished. Although the eroding agent of the culture that allows for unrestricted access may be progressive, the risk is that once the groves are lost, every other value goes with it. Against this background, this study sought to investigate the underlying factors that undermined the sustenance of the Akai Afai sacred forest.
This study was carried out in the two Akai Afai sacred forest host communities of Ikot Eti and Ikot Akpa Okop in Mkpat Enin LGA of Akwa Ibom State. Both communities are accessed along the Ikot Abasi – Eket axis of the East-West Road. Mkpat Enin lies between latitudes 4o 32‘ and 5o 53‘ North and longitudes 7o 40‘ and 7o 50‘ East. It covers a total land mass of 332km2 and has a population of 314,309 projected from the NPC 2006 census, with a population density of 947 inhabitants per km2 (AKMoED, 2014). In Akwa Ibom State, rainfall ranges from 2000 – 3000mm per annum and annual temperature range of 230 C – 31.70 C (AKMoED, 2014).
There are two levels of political organization in the study area; (i) the formal government and (ii) the local/traditional administration. At the formal governmental level, the study communities fall under the administrative authority of the Mkpat Enin Local Government Areas (LGA) while the traditional governance and power structure is under the Village Head referred to as the “Ete Idung” with two traditional subordinate heads: (i) The Nuclear Family Heads (Obong Ufok) and (ii) Extended (lineage) family Heads (Obong Ekpuk). Above the village head, are two superior traditional head: Clan Head, chosen from the rank of Village Heads and the Paramount Ruler, chosen from the rank of Clan Heads. Clan is a collection of villages (Oduk) sharing some traditional bonds (deity, food prohibition etc.) and is summoned occasionally to hear inter village cases. The Paramount Ruler is the highest office in the traditional LGA setting and presides over the Traditional Rulers Councils (TRC) at the LGA. The communities were understudied via random sampling of their residents using a structured questionnaire with a 5-point scale of: Not at All, Very Little, Little, Much and More, to collect a multi-item data on socio-ecological threat to sustenance of the Akai Afai along with other demographic data from the respondents. 88 out of the 100 respondents adequately fulfilled the research demands and formed the study sample size. Cronbach’s Alpha reliability test of the 14 items for SETSAA gave a value of 0.815 which was deemed good and acceptable for the study (Cortina, 1993). Data were subjected to composite index and factor analysis by principal Component Approach as adopted by Inyang and Daniel (2018).
Profile Analysis of Respondents’ Socioeconomic Characteristics.
In profiling the respondents’ socio-economic characteristics, Table 1 reveals that all the respondents have lived above the adolescent age to see the Akai Afai sacred grove, with 45% of the respondents above the age of 40 years. 60.2 % of the studied population were male, and about 80% were married. The model household had a population of between 1 – 5 persons. The majority (93.2%) had acquired the basic primary education, with about 40.9% exposed to post-secondary education. 74% of the sampled respondents professed to be engaged in various forms of livelihood activity, except for the 26% of the respondents who alleged to be unemployed. The majority (63.6%) confirmed their awareness of the existence of the cultural restriction on everyday access to the forest, and about 64% declared they have never accessed the grove.
Table 1: Socio-Demographic Profile of the Respondents
3.2 Mapping the incidence and Relativity of Perceived Sociological threats to sustenance of Akai Afai Grove.
The results on the variation of affirmation of each statement of threat concerning the Akai Afai sacred grove are presented in Table 2. Incident Index of Socioecological threat to sustenance of Akai Afai (SETSAA II) showed the proportion of respondents who expressed a particular value that the sacred grove means to them. The indicators displayed various magnitudes of spread of values as depicted by the relative rank order position (RROP). The results showed that 6 items scored approximately 50% (0.45 and above). The most ranked of the 14 SETSAA were “It deprives families of a source for the collection of NTFPs livelihood” and “It provides abode for those who worship ancestors” with index values of 0.83 (about 83% affirmation) each. The third and fourth most threatening dispositions were “Only an income generation source to a few diabolic individuals” with an index of 0.72 (72% affirmation) and “It hinders our community expansion” with an index of 0.53 (about 53% affirmation), respectively. The six dispositions that scored about 50% incident index suggest areas of emphatic focus and magnitude of threat across the community.
Interestingly, the resident population acknowledged that the sacred grove helps to mitigate climate change and serves as a site for the preservation of important trees and does not constitute a breeding ground for disease vectors. These three items had negligible index values of 0%, 1% and 2% respectively and ranked 14th, 13th, and 12th, on the scale of fourteen palpable threats.
(0)
(2)
(3)
(4)
Table 2: Distribution of Respondent based on Perceived Socioecological Threats to Sustenance of Akai Afai Grove.
–
SETSAA II means Socio-Ecological Threat to Sustenance of Akai Afai Incidence Index
– SETSAA RROP means Socioecological Threat to Sustenance of Akai Afai Relative Rank Order Position
3.3 The Level of Severity of Perceived Socioecological Threats to Sustenance of Akai Afai Grove.
In the bid to explore aggregately, the level of severity of SETSAA sacred grove despite the visible degradation noticed on the site, it became necessary to explore the responsiveness of the indigenes who lived in the host communities. The level of perceived reasons for continuity in the need to preserve the Akai Afai sacred grove was ascertained for each respondent considered for this study. The distribution pattern of the index level of sustenance threat was derived and was analysed using the broadly categorised four ranges as shown in Table 3. There were respondents with an index of SETSAA that fell within the range of figures being considered as “not threatening” (4.5%) while those index range that were considered “less threatening” were 45.5 %. Those that fell within the “threatening” (0.501 – 0.759 index range) were 46.6%, and those “Seriously threatened” (above 0.76 index range) constituted 3.4% of the respondents, respectively. The overall indigenes deposition on the severity of the threats is 50% (threatened 46.6% and seriously threatened 3.4%).
Table 3: Levels of Severity of Socioecological Threats to Sustenance of Akai Afai by Respondents
Ascertaining the Significant Underlying Dimensions of Socioecological threat to Sacred Grove.
The factor analytic procedure sought to crystallise into cogent patterns of socioecological threats that hold the panacea to mitigating strategies that can provide insight to the economics of socioecological intervention to manage the likely threats to the sustenance of the nature-based approach to environmental protection. The diagnostics statistics offer serious insights into potential impacts if there were any initiative aiming at such.
The factor analysis followed the principal component approach to analyse the Fourteen (14) SETSAA sacred grove items. Table 4 showed that the Communalities Extraction Index (CEI), which portrayed the extent of interrelationship between each of the 14 identified SETSAA, were above 0.5. Thus, they were sufficiently good and explained substantial variation among each other. A minimum eigenvalue criterion equal to or greater than one (≥1) was then applied to determine the basic underlying dimension of the correlation matrix of socioecological threats to the sustenance of Akai Afai grove.
The results showed that the original threats realigned themselves into five mutually exclusive and independent salient underlying dimensions with overall KMO statistics of 0.566. The suggested underlying dimensions were:
Factor 1: Unrealistic Ecology (eigen value = 5.044, variance = 36.032)
Factor 2: Wasted Landuse (eigen value = 1.793, variance = 12.808)
Factor 3: Untapped Natural Resource (eigen value = 1.375, variance = 9.822)
Factor 4: Unbeneficial Ecology (eigen value = 1.234, variance = 8.816)
Factor 5: Mystics ground (eigen value = 1.086, variance = 7.756)
Table 4: Major significant underlined dimension of socio-economic threats to sustenance of Akai Afai.
df
Sig.
91
.000
Rotation Method: Varimax with Kaiser Normalization.
N/B: CEI means Cumulative Extraction Index
The respondents’ depositions revealed a high cultural awareness profile by the indigenes, and portrayed that the grove is still revered. However, the position on access of about 36% of the sampled population, who are beyond adolescent age, is indicative disregard for existing cultural restriction. In an earlier study, Daniel and Inyang (2019) had showed that in the nearest future, younger population (21 – 49 years) may degrade the remnant of the natural vegetation held in awe by their precursor’s generation. Fears has also been expressed that gradually with time, many people would consider the restrictions concerning the use of sacred sites meaningless and may refuse to accept penalties meted them on violation especially, where enforcement on such restrictions are slacked (Ylhaisi, 2006). Hence the postulation for continuous reinvigoration of values that would help sustained the sites in conformation of the realities of the present generation.
The deprivation of family’s sources for collection of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) and the grove being an income source to few individuals brings to fore, the issue of social inequality which Daniel and Inyang (2019) and Inyang et al (2004) had reported that some social class often feel uncomfortable having a natural resource stock around them but restricted from access. Such often lead to unimaginable exploitation of such resource stock when rule of law can no longer withstand the pressure. The threat of forest being abode to those worshiping ancestors is from the religious perspective rather than traditional that gives the people unique identity. Erosion of traditional religions and the arrival of new ones is documented as one of the most mentioned reasons for sacred forest degradations. For instance, a scenario in Ghana was reported (Decher, 1977) where conflicts arose with the arrival of Christian Churches and converts did no longer felt bound by traditional taboos. This is in line with the report by Byers et al., (2001) and Wadley and Colfer (2004) that change of religion, in some cases, can generate the disrespect of the taboos. Hindering of community expansion is related to demographic pressure as population growth have important consequences on natural resources (Byers et al., 2001).
It was obvious from the results that palpable threats are gradually building up against the sustenance of the Akai Afai grove with the 50:50 percentage ratio. It was noted [18] that the erosivity of the cultural eroding are usually progressive owing to factors like the prevalent social economic wellbeing of a community, declining agriculture productivity and conflict of interest between economic return to individual and collective decisions on preserving the limited environmental resources especially in such community where sociocultural norms and enforcement are becoming weakened over the years. The report therefore warned that the risks on cultural determinants like sacred sites are very hard to replace because once lost, every other value goes with it.
The diagnostic statistics of the factor analytics procedure offered predictable indices that were indicative of likely strategic mitigation intervention outcomes. The order of percentage of variance as obtained from the factor analysis depicts the relative decreasing order of the magnitude of the identified significant underlying factors. Each magnitude suggests the amount of change the underlying dimensions can induce if systematic approach is deployed in solving the threats to the satisfaction of the respondents. And, should there be a holistic intervention programme to solve factor 1, the percentage variance suggests a likely 36.032% appreciation of ecological functions of the sacred grove. In other word, if indigenes are adequately educated on why the forebears preserved the site, the grove will be jealously guided by the present generation. Factor 2 would likely lead to 12.8% understanding of why the landuse is significant and should be preserved while factor 3 would statistically guarantee 9.822% likelihood knowledge on why restrictive access is eminent to the grove. Generally, the perceived threat can be addressed by each factor loading or in combination. Collectively, the factor loadings significantly identified exit strategic precursors that can statistically sustain of the grove by 75.234%, implying about 25% of the undesirable situation are yet unidentified. Thus, this study considered the identified dimensions as overtly observed challenge and the unidentified factor as inert threats to sustenance of Akai Afia.
Mapping of the socioecological threats to the sustenance of the Akai Afai Scared grove has shown that there is a rising conflict of interest between economic return to individuals and collective decisions on preserving the sacred forest as an indigenous technology system to combating environmental challenges. Coupled with the declining agricultural productivity and socioeconomic wellbeing in the rural area, this debate is exacerbated especially where the sociocultural norms and enforcement are becoming weakened over the years as a result of erosion of traditional religion. The risk the erosivity of the cultural eroding agent on this cultural heritage is already disastrous as the site is fast degraded and once lost, every other value goes with it. Culture from various indices is fast eroding and younger generation no more hold sway to it. Undoubtedly, the complex social-spiritual association with deities and spirits of dead ancestors have contributed to the protection of the sacred groves,
If the remnant sacred groves must be sustained to increase the county’s carbon stock and help in mitigating the climate change and its attendant ravaging impact, there is need for ideological shift from the cultural roles of the groves to communicating the mixed role which captures socioecological and economic benefit of the groves. The community, authorities and organizations can leverage on the three less palpable threat but positive significant depositions of the Akai Afai resident population, to encourage the sustenance of the grove. It becomes imperative that strategic forest management policy that takes traditional forest into consideration be evolved to ensure viable partnership among the community shareholders and the promotion of environmental education and awareness. Adjoining lands to the sacred forests could be opened up for developmental purposes by authorities, to curb the pressure on the sacred groves.
The study further recommend government intervene in evolving this mixed method approach, by integrating legislated social norms with environmental laws of the state. Community-based conservation projects where indigenes of such sacred forest host communities are engaged, if funded, will do a great deal in protecting and creating awareness for such sites, build capacities, empower younger generation to reconnect local cultures and sustainable management of forest resources.
Competing Interest
We confirm that this work is original and has not been published elsewhere. The research observed all ethical standards, had no external funding and therefore no conflict of interest is established.
Authors’ Contributions
All authors contributed to the study conception and design. Material preparation and data collection were performed by Koko Daniel, Idorenyin Gideon and Nsisong Ekpa. Emem Inyang and Daniel Jacob validated the survey instrument, analysed and interpreted the data. Koko Daniel wrote the first draft of the manuscript and all authors commented on previous versions of the manuscript and approved the final manuscript.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge the support of the two village heads of the studied communities along with their council members for consenting to the study. Also appreciated are residents and respondents who volunteered to offer their candid opinions on the study.
Funding
Self Funded.
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